Voting

The Duty of Exercising the Electoral Franchise.—(a) There is a grave duty of using the privilege granted to citizens of voting in public elections, and especially primaries; for the welfare of the community and the moral, intellectual and physical good of individuals depend on the kind of men who are nominated or chosen to rule, and on the ticket platforms voted for. Hence, those who neglect to vote cooperate negatively with a serious harm (viz., evil in power), or at least with public unconcern about public matters—for example, those who neglect through laziness or indifference to condemn by their vote. A grave inconvenience (e.g., sickness, ostracism, exile, persecution), but not a slight inconvenience (such as loss of time, trouble, ridicule), excuses from the duty; for an affirmative law has exceptions. Neither is there an obligation to vote when an election is a mere formality, as when there is but one candidate or party.

(b) The duty is not one of commutative justice, as the ballot is either a privilege, or a thing commanded by authority, but not a service to which the citizen has bound himself by contract or office. The obligation is, therefore, one of legal justice, arising from the fact that the common weal is everybody’s business and responsibility, especially in a republic. Hence, representatives of the people who by abstention from voting cause a serious damage which they were bound ex officio to prevent, are guilty of commutative injustice and are held to restitution; but a citizen who stays away from the polls sins, and perhaps gravely, against legal justice, though there is no duty of restitution for the damages that result. Moreover, in a general election the vote of one citizen is usually not of decisive influence, and citizens do not make themselves responsible for all the acts of their representatives.

Manner of Voting.—(a) Object.—It is not necessary to vote for the best candidate, provided one votes for a person who is fitted by character, ability, record, experience, etc. for the office, and gives indications, not merely promises, that he will serve the community well. But in certain ecclesiastical elections the voters must take oath beforehand to vote, not only for a worthy candidate, but also for the person whom they honestly think, all things considered, most worthy. In minor offices (such as constable or town clerk) it suffices that the candidate be known as conscientious; but in major offices (such as President, governor, congressman, legislator, or judge) the party principles for which he stands have to be considered chiefly. Per accidens, it is lawful to vote for an unworthy candidate when this is necessary to prevent a greater evil, as when the opposing candidate is much worse, or a good ticket cannot be elected unless some less worthy candidates are included.

(b) Purpose.—The end which the voter should have in mind is the good of the public, and hence it is not right to vote for candidates solely or chiefly because they are personal friends, members of one’s own race, organization or religion, or because one wishes to gain favor or escape enmity.

(c) Circumstances.—The voter must avoid all that is contrary to natural law (e.g., selling of votes, repeating, stuffing ballot boxes) or positive law (e.g., state laws require not only citizenship and a period of previous residence, but also other conditions such as registration and freedom from bribery and other election crimes). The opinion that politics is necessarily corrupt, and that all is fair that helps to win, is a false and pernicious doctrine. The conditions for ecclesiastical elections are given in Canons 160 sqq.

Obligation to Seek Office.—A worthy man should run for office in the following case: (a) when the public good calls for his candidacy (e.g., when his election or candidacy will avert serious evils, and there is no one else so available); and (b) there is no grave impediment to his candidacy (such as supremely important private affairs or ill-health that makes it impossible to run).

195. Since all are bound to love their own fatherland, all are also bound, as far as lies in them, both to promote the common good of the fatherland and to avert common damage from it. Since this, in the present regime of society, depends especially on good deputies elected to national, provincial, and municipal assemblies, all who have such a faculty from the law are bound, by reason of the common good and consequently from legal justice, to concur in the election of these deputies, unless they are legitimately excused, and to elect fit deputies. Unless they are legitimately excused; the matter is per se grave, and consequently only a cause of grave damage to be undergone can per se excuse. Per se; for in practice various circumstances must be attended to, from which the obligation can be grave or light, or even all obligation can be absent. But this obligation, when it is present, is not from commutative justice, but only from legal justice, and consequently, if it is not fulfilled, no obligation of repairing damage arises from it.

196. Indeed there is an obligation of electing a worthy man, not the more worthy; but a grave obligation is present of electing a worthy man, with an unworthy man passed over, from whose election grave damage of society can be feared. There is indeed no precept of electing the more worthy, but there is a precept of not electing an unworthy man; for by electing him someone cooperates by his own votes in the damage to be brought by him, besides the scandal which by his depraved example he furnishes to others. Yet the election of an unworthy man is not always forbidden. It is lawful if someone otherwise would undergo very grave damage, for that election is not intrinsically evil. For to receive the office of deputy is not something intrinsically evil; and cooperation in the abuse of such an office is material and remote. Likewise it is lawful if an unworthy man is elected in order to remove another worse and worst man from that office. Cooperation is then had to impede a greater evil. And consequently it will also be lawful if a worthy man cannot be elected unless an unworthy man is elected together with him. Likewise it is lawful if it is hoped that the unworthy man will profit more than he will harm.

197. "It is of interest to public safety to contribute work wisely to the administration of urban matters; and in it especially to study and effect that provision be made publicly for forming adolescents to religion and to upright morals, in that way in which it is fitting for Christians; on these things greatly depends the safety of individual commonwealths. Likewise, for the work of Catholic men to run farther from this narrower field and embrace the very sum of the commonwealth is generally useful and honest. We say generally for this reason, that these our precepts touch all nations. But it can happen somewhere that, for greatest and just causes, it is by no means expedient to undertake the commonwealth and to be occupied in political offices. But generally, as we have said, to will to touch no part of public affairs would be as much in fault as to bring no zeal, no work, to the common utility; and this the more because Catholic men are impelled, by the admonition of the very doctrine which they profess, to conduct the matter integrally and from faith. On the contrary, if they are idle, those will easily receive the reins whose opinions bring by no means a great hope of safety. And this would also be joined with harm to the Christian name, because those who are badly disposed toward the Church would have very much power, and those who are well disposed, very little. Wherefore it is evident that Catholics have a just cause of approaching the commonwealth; for they do not approach, nor ought they to approach, for this cause, that they approve what is not honest at this time in the systems of public affairs, but that they may transfer these very systems, as far as can be done, to the public good, having their mind sincerely and truly destined to introduce the wisdom and virtue of the Catholic religion, as the most healthful juice and blood, into all the veins of the commonwealth." Leo XIII, encyclical letter Immortale Dei, Nov. 1, 1885.

198. Deputies legitimately elected, and truly fit, by reason of the common good, from legal justice, are bound to accept the office brought to them, unless they are excused by a grave and just cause. But Deputies and Senators, since a certain part of public rule has truly been committed to them, not only ought they not to consent to depraved laws to be borne to the damage of religion and to the damage of the public good, but they are also bound to impede them by their presence and by their vote. Therefore it is not lawful for them to vote for depraved laws of this kind, nor is it lawful for them to be absent. And if by culpable absence they are the cause why depraved laws are made to public damage, they are guilty both of violated legal justice, by which they are bound to promote the public good by the special reason of their office, and of violated commutative justice, from a quasi-pact with their electors.

As regards the election of Deputies, the things which St. Thomas has from St. Augustine, 1.2, q. 97, a. 1, pertain to the matter: "If a people is well moderated and grave, and a most diligent guardian of the common utility, a law is rightly borne by which it is lawful for such a people to create magistrates for itself through whom the commonwealth is administered. But if little by little the same people, depraved, has a saleable vote, and commits rule to disgraceful and criminal men, rightly is taken away from the people such power of giving honors."

199. Is it ever lawful not to obey temporal authority? - Laws unjust by contrariety to human good do not oblige in the forum of conscience. Laws unjust by contrariety to divine good it is in no way lawful to observe. St. Thomas, 1.2, q. 96, a. 4. But in those things which are lawful and which pertain to civil power, obedience must be given to civil Princes, even difficult ones, and also to those who abuse their authority. From these most pure sources, namely Scripture and Tradition, says Gregory XVI in the Brief of June 9, 1832, we are most openly taught that obedience which men are bound to furnish to powers constituted by God is an absolute precept, which no one can oppose. - Pius VI, Brief Pastoralis, July 5, 1796; St. Thomas, 2.2, q. 69, a. 4; q. 102, a. 1; q. 104, a. 5, 6.