Moral Theology: Its Method and Masters
St. Alphonsus Maria de Liguori
Drawn from the authors' own words; every quotation links to its place.
C.SS.R. (founder) · Alphonsian (Redemptorist) · 1696–1787
On this site: The True Spouse of Jesus Christ
In the Index: Alphonsus de’ Liguori, St.; Alphonsus Liguori; Alphonsus, St.; Liguori
His Moral System
Disputed among our authors: an equiprobabilist from 1762, or still a probabilist under a new formula — All agree that he was taught probabiliorism and left it for probabilism, and that in 1762 he adopted a new formula. Whether that formula was a new system (equiprobabilism) or probabilism newly stated, our authors divide: Konings, Marc, Wouters, Tanquerey, Merkelbach, Prümmer and Koch-Preuss make him an equiprobabilist; Sabetti-Barrett, Bucceroni and Slater hold him a probabilist in doctrine and practice; Noldin and Vermeersch report both sides and judge his Moral Theology a probabilistic work. The sign ** ("weighty and probabilist") beside his name in the index of writers in Gury-Ballerini is the 1884 editor's, who added him to Haringer's list; Haringer himself, as Noldin reports, held that he was always an equiprobabilist. Every report is quoted below.
- “This is the system of St. Alphonsus.” — Konings, Article IV: Various Systems Concerning the Use of Probable Opinion
- “St. Alphonsus cast away his former hesitation” — Marc, n. 87
- “St. Alphonsus composed and completed his Theologia Moralis according to the norm of Equiprobabilism” — Wouters, n. 232
Changes of mind
- “He at first had adhered to the Probabiliorists” — Tanquerey, On Conscience, n. 405
As others report it
- “It is certain, 1st, that St. Alphonsus in solving particular questions is a simple probabilist” — Sabetti-Barrett, n. 70
- “he must certainly confess that practically S. Alphonsus is a true probabilist” — Bucceroni, IV. On the Doctrine of S. Alphonsus Concerning Probabilism, n. 135
- “a great work on moral theology written by a moderate probabilist” — Slater, Short History, ¶ 91
- “therefore his moral theology is a probabilistic work” — Noldin, n. 250
His Judgment of the Authorities (1755)
From his Dissertatio scholastico-moralis pro usu moderato opinionis probabilis (Naples, 1755), as quoted by Hurter, Nomenclator literarius, 3rd ed., vol. III (1907), in a footnote running over col. 346 and col. 347, read on the page images. The Latin is as Hurter prints it; the English is our own.
Sedulo semper advertendum, quod auctoritas scriptorum non ex multitudine, sed ex eorum gravitate aestimari debet: ita ut paucorum vel etiam unius doctoris speciali scientia ac pietate praediti auctoritas aliis pluribus aliquando praeferenda sit. Non enim eodem modo inniti possumus auctoritate aliquorum auctorum, puta Caramuelis, Zanardi, Joannis Sancii, Leandri, Martini a s. Joseph, Dianae, Antonii a Spiritu s., Tamburini, Pasqualigi et aliorum, qui licet docti et probi ac bono fine ducti fuerint (non enim mala fide tradidisse ea, quae scripserunt, fas est suspicari), tamen incauti in pluribus opinionibus nimis benignitati indulserunt: sicut innitimur auctoritati Suarii, Soti, Azorii, Cani, Silvii, Cajetani, Bannez, Navarri, Paludani, Toleti, Sylvestri, Lessii, Angeli, Vasquez, Armillae, Valentiae, Laymanni, Molinae, de Lugo, Castropalai, Bonacinae, Em. Sa, Pontii, Cabassutii, continuatoris Tournely, Roncagliae, Salmanticensium, Petrocorensis, Abelly, Cardenae, Coninck, Gamachaei, Isamberti et aliorum, quorum scientia quanta sit, undique perspecta est, praeter d. Thomam, d. Bonaventuram, d. Antoninum et Scotum, quorum auctoritas aliis equidem praeponi debet.
It must always be carefully noted that the authority of writers is to be weighed not by their number but by their weight: so that the authority of a few, or even of one doctor endowed with special learning and piety, is sometimes to be preferred to many others. For we cannot rely in the same way on the authority of some authors, for instance Caramuel, Zanardus, Juan Sánchez, Leander, Martinus a S. Joseph, Diana, Antonius a Spiritu Sancto, Tamburini, Pasqualigo and others, who, though learned and upright and led by a good end (for it is not right to suspect that they handed down what they wrote in bad faith), were nevertheless incautious and in many opinions indulged too much in benignity; as we rely on the authority of Suárez, Soto, Azor, Cano, Sylvius, Cajetan, Báñez, Navarrus, Paludanus, Toletus, Sylvester, Lessius, Angelus, Vázquez, the Armilla, Valentia, Laymann, Molina, de Lugo, Castropalao, Bonacina, Emmanuel Sa, Pontius, Cabassutius, the continuator of Tournely, Roncaglia, the Salmanticenses, the Petrocorensis, Abelly, Cárdenas, Coninck, Gamachaeus, Isambert and others, whose learning is everywhere known; besides St. Thomas, St. Bonaventure, St. Antoninus and Scotus, whose authority must indeed be set above the others.
- Above the others: St. Thomas, St. Bonaventure, St. Antoninus, Scotus.
- Relied on, “whose learning is everywhere known”: Suarez, Soto, Azor, Cano, Sylvius, Cajetan, Bannez, Navarrus, Paludanus, Toletus, Sylvester (Prierias), Lessius, Angelus (de Clavasio), Vasquez, Armilla, Valentia, Laymann, Molina, de Lugo, Castropalao, Bonacina, Emmanuel Sa, Pontius, Cabassutius, the continuator of Tournely (Collet), Roncaglia, Salmanticenses, Petrocorensis, Abelly, Cardenas, Coninck, Gamachaeus, Isambert.
- Learned and upright, but incautious and too benign in many opinions: Caramuel, Zanardus, Joannes Sanchez (Sancius), Leander a SS. Sacramento, Martinus a S. Joseph, Diana, Antonius a Spiritu Sancto, Tamburini, Pasqualigo.
What Our Authors Say of Him
- “The greatest authority of St. Alphonsus in moral theology is proclaimed not only by all theologians, but also by the Sacred Penitentiary.” — Prümmer, Catalogue of authors
His Moral System, as Our Authors Report It
Every report quoted in the author's own words and linked to its place; point at a name to see his words. Haringer's signs give St. Alphonsus's judgment as Haringer found it in St. Alphonsus's works (his notice, Gury-Ballerini, 1884, p. XI); a sign on a writer the 1884 editor added to the list is the editor's own, and is said to be his.
Our authors disagree. Probabilist: Vermeersch, Noldin, McHugh-Callan, Sabetti-Barrett, Bucceroni, Slater, The 1884 editor (Gury-Ballerini). Equiprobabilist: Koch-Preuss, Noldin, Prümmer, Marc, McHugh-Callan, Tanquerey, Merkelbach, Konings.
Tanquerey (n. 405) holds that equiprobabilism "does not differ substantially from moderate probabilism", and Marc (n. 86) that the moderate probabilists "agree in substantial matters with the equiprobabilists".
| Probabilist | |
|---|---|
| “Several writers of the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, v.g., Aertnys, though not all, admit that he, after he had used probabiliorist teachers, through part of his life gave his vote to pure probabilism”Some Redemptorists admit that for part of his life he held pure probabilism (1749, 1755) | Vermeersch, Theologia moralis I, n. 357 |
| “St. Alphonsus in the first periods likewise extended his probabilistic system even to questions in which there is question of the cessation of a law; afterward, however, he retracted this opinion”At first he extended probabilism even to the cessation of a law, and afterward retracted it | Noldin, Summa I, n. 246 |
| “But there is no doubt that in his mature age (1749-1762), when he wrote his Moral Theology, he was a Probabilist”The probabilists' reply, as McHugh-Callan state it: a probabilist when he wrote the Moral Theology (1749-1762) | McHugh-Callan, Moral Theology I, n. 697 |
| “if later, in his old age, he was an Equiprobabilist, it can be shown that the change was not free, but under compulsion”The probabilists' answer, as McHugh-Callan state it: any later change was under compulsion | McHugh-Callan, Moral Theology I, n. 719 |
| “It is certain, 1st, that St. Alphonsus in solving particular questions is a simple probabilist”Never an equiprobabilist: a simple probabilist in his solutions | Sabetti-Barrett, Compendium, n. 70 |
| “It is certain, 4th, that St. Alphonsus explicitly taught simple probabilism. … Therefore the sentence contained in each formula does not differ: it is one and the same, and it is this: it is licit to follow a probable opinion even in concurrence with a more probable one for the law, whenever the former has a certain and grave foundation.”The formula of 1762 changed the words, not the doctrine | Sabetti-Barrett, Compendium, n. 70 |
| “Now at that time the theologians who, in the concurrence of two equally probable opinions, of which one favors the law and is safe, the other favors liberty and is called not safe, teach that the not safe opinion which favors liberty against the law can licitly be chosen, the safer one being left aside, even in that case where the latter is more probable, are called, Luby being witness (ibid.), "benign probabilists"; those who oppose them with all their strength are called probabiliorists or anti-probabilists. St. Alphonsus followed until death the distinguished authors of the Society of Jesus, whose fortunes he could, not without reason, fear for himself and for his own glorious Congregation.”He followed the authors of the Society of Jesus until his death | Sabetti-Barrett, Compendium, n. 70 |
| “Hence S. Alph. in Dissert. de usu moderato opinionis probabilis in concursu probabilioris, 2nd ed., Naples 1755: "We undertake to prove the last, more benign, and most common opinion, namely that it is licit to use a probable opinion even in concurrence with a more probable one in favor of the law, whenever that opinion has a certain and grave foundation."”In the dissertation of 1755 he undertook to prove simple probabilism | Bucceroni, Institutiones, n. 119 |
| “he must certainly confess that practically S. Alphonsus is a true probabilist”In practice a true probabilist, whatever system he champions in speculation | Bucceroni, Institutiones, n. 135 |
| “And by approving the Moral Works of St. Alphonsus, the Church implicitly approved probabilism also”In approving his works the Church implicitly approved probabilism | Bucceroni, Commentarii, n. 97 |
| “"These authors, our probabilists, say that the opinion for the law is to be followed when this is notably and with excess more probable, because in that case the law is morally sufficiently promulgated." Letter of May 25, 1767. And thus Suarez, De Leg., l. 8, c. 3, n. 9: "Greater probability," he says, "is a certain moral certainty, if the excess of probability is certain." Therefore St. Alphonsus did not found a new system, as he himself confesses, but only in the sixth edition and following handed down a practical rule for discerning true and real probability from false and only apparent probability, openly rejecting doubtful and slight probability, and deciding that the certainly more probable is then to be followed.”He founded no new system, but gave a rule for telling true from apparent probability | Bucceroni, Commentarii, n. 123 |
| “He had been taught the probabiliorist system of morals, but in the course of fifteen years of study and experience in the confessional he came to the conclusion that the system was false and harmful to souls. He then adopted probabilism, and mainly using recognized probabilist authorities, especially of the Society of Jesus, whom he acknowledged to be his masters in this branch of learning, he composed his chief work, the “Theologia Moralis.””Probabiliorist at first, then probabilism; the formula of 1762 adopted to exclude laxism | Slater, Short History, ¶ 91 |
| “In this dissertation St Alphonsus clearly and ably defends and proves probabilism; he never withdrew or corrected this dissertation, though to save his Congregation and the doctrine he afterwards modified the statement of his views.”The dissertation of 1755 defends probabilism and was never withdrawn; he afterwards modified only the statement | Slater, Manual, the probable conscience, n. 4 |
| “two things are certain: that St. Alphonsus in the first periods adhered to simple probabilism, and that he composed his moral theology at that time when he was attached to probabilism”Noldin: whatever his later formula, he composed his Moral Theology as a probabilist, and it is a probabilistic work | Noldin, Summa I, n. 250 |
| “Most probabilists, with Ballerini leading the way, themselves judge that the holy doctor never changed his opinion concerning the moral system, but always adhered to simple probabilism”Noldin reports the probabilists' reading, Ballerini first: he always held simple probabilism, and only put it in an equiprobabilistic formula | Noldin, Summa I, n. 250 |
| “Ligorio (De) St. Alphonsus, Bishop of St. Agatha of the Goths and Founder of the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, Moral Theology. Apostolic Man, etc. The Sacred Penitentiary declared that anyone can safely follow his doctrine; died 1787.”The 1884 editor of Gury-Ballerini, who added this writer to Haringer's list, marks him ** (weighty and probabilist) | The 1884 editor (Gury-Ballerini), Index of writers, p. XXII |
| “It remained substantially what it always had been—a great work on moral theology written by a moderate probabilist”Moderate probabilist. The change of formula made little change: his work remained that of a moderate probabilist | Slater, Short History, ¶ 91 |
| “those were written chiefly to defend moderate probabilism against broad probabilism”Moderate probabilist. Vermeersch, after d'Annibale and Aertnys: what he wrote for equiprobabilism was written chiefly to defend moderate probabilism against broad probabilism | Vermeersch, Theologia moralis I, n. 357 |
| Equiprobabilist | |
| Counted among them by 2 of our authors | Koch-Preuss, Handbook I, the moral systems; Marc, Institutiones I, n. 86 |
| “Besides, from history it is established that there were some theologians (Amort, Rassler, Ant. Mayr) who already before St. Alphonsus set forth the system of probabilism in an equiprobabilistic formula. Finally St. Alphonsus himself declares in the Apologia: "Therefore I never wished, nor do I wish, to forge new systems." 2. In the first periods St. Alphonsus adhered to probabiliorism, which he had received from his teacher; soon, however, in hearing confessions and rightly understanding that a probabiliorist cannot fruitfully undertake the direction of souls, he passed over to probabilism, which he vigorously defended against the probabiliorists, and indeed to pure probabilism, which the more ancient moralists defended.”Probabiliorist at first; a pure probabilist in the dissertations of 1749 and 1755 and in the Moral Theology; from 1762 an equiprobabilistic formula | Noldin, Summa I, n. 250 |
| “Arguments for Equiprobabilism. a) From the authority of St. Alphonsus. Without any prudent doubt St. Alphonsus de Ligorio, Doctor of the Church, defended this system, and before him already certain other theologians, and after him several theologians, and those most noble, both Redemptorists and outsiders, as was said above.”Prümmer: he defended equiprobabilism, and the moderns who make him a pure probabilist waste their labor | Prümmer, Manuale I, n. 347 |
| “That equiprobabilism is the genuine system of St. Alphonsus, which he definitively embraced at least from the year 1762, the Vindiciae Alphonsianae (I, p. 1-150), Gaude (de mor. syst. … After the year 1762, once the brief Dissertation, in the Italian language, de usu moderato opin. probab., had been published, St. Alphonsus cast away his former hesitation, and constantly held those opinions which we shall set forth below.”Simple probabilism in the dissertations of 1749 and 1755; equiprobabilism definitively from 1762 | Marc, Institutiones I, n. 87 |
| “St. Alphonsus Liguori, who holds a unique place in the Church as a moralist, preferred Equiprobabilism to every other moral system”The equiprobabilists' argument, as McHugh-Callan state it | McHugh-Callan, Moral Theology I, n. 696 |
| “Answer of Equiprobabilists to this Criticism.—(a) Granted that St. Alphonsus once held Probabilism, he rejected it later emphatically, and when dying declared that his former defense of Probabilism was the only thing that gave him anxiety.”The equiprobabilists' answer, as McHugh-Callan state it | McHugh-Callan, Moral Theology I, n. 698 |
| “(e) From the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer: St. Alphonsus de Liguori (1696-1787), who deservedly is held to be the prince among modern authors of moral theology. That he might hold a middle way between the excesses of the rigid and of the laxists, he tempered probabilism by refining the system which is called equiprobabilism, as we shall set forth in its place.”He tempered probabilism into equiprobabilism | Tanquerey, Fundamental Moral Theology, n. 53 |
| “Equiprobabilism, which does not differ substantially from moderate probabilism as set forth above, had as its principal defender St. Alphonsus de Liguori”Probabiliorist at first, then moderate probabilism (1749, 1755), equiprobabilism from 1762 | Tanquerey, Fundamental Moral Theology, n. 405 |
| “Afterward, however, fearing lest by this formula certain persons might abuse it for favoring too benign opinions, in the year 1762 he published a new dissertation, in which he established these two things: "When the less safe opinion is equally probable, one can licitly follow it"; - "It is not licit to follow a less probable opinion when the opinion which stands for the law is notably and certainly more probable"; in these words the sum of equiprobabilism is contained. He polished this system more and more, and in the year 1767, in the sixth edition of Theologia Moralis, he explained it thus … from another side: "When the less safe opinion is equally, or almost equally, probable, one can licitly follow it." Toward the end of his life, attacked by tutiorists with accusations of laxism, and fearing lest his system be confused with simple probabilism, he openly declared that he was not a probabilist: "I again declare in this brief little Work that I am not a probabilist, nor do I follow probabilism”His own declaration toward the end of his life, as Tanquerey quotes it | Tanquerey, Fundamental Moral Theology, n. 405 |
| “Equiprobabilism is contained in this proposition: "In the concurrence of opposed opinions equally or almost equally probable, it is licit to follow the opinion favoring liberty whenever the doubt is about the existence of the law; but in a doubt of fact about the cessation of the law, the law continues to oblige." The principal defender of this system is St. Alphonsus, who adopted it after the year 1761, although previously he taught pure Probabilism.”Equiprobabilism adopted after 1761; before, pure probabilism | Prümmer, Manuale I, n. 341 |
| “But that St. Alphonsus taught Equiprobabilism and not pure Probabilism, at least from the year 1762, is historically certain”Equiprobabilist at least from 1762, “historically certain” | Prümmer, Manuale I, n. 341 |
| “And so St. Alphonsus truly was an equiprobabilist, and those err who contend that he never abandoned pure probabilism”Equiprobabilist; those err who say he never left pure probabilism | Merkelbach, Summa II, excursus on the moral systems |
| “IV. Equi-probabilism, according to which, in the concurrence of two opinions equally or almost equally probable, while doubt stands concerning the existence of the law, it is lawful to follow the opinion favoring liberty; but in doubt concerning the cessation of a certain law, the opinion favoring the law must be followed. This is the system of St. Alphonsus.”Konings: equiprobabilism is the system of St. Alphonsus, who calls it “my system of the equally probable opinion” | Konings, Compendium, n. 62 |
| “the Holy Doctor never adhered to simple Probabilism even in his earlier writings, but already taught Equi-probabilism implicitly”Never a simple probabilist, even in 1749 and 1755: an equiprobabilist, at first implicitly | Konings, Compendium, n. 92 |
| “but the older ones (Haringer, Vindiciae alphons.) think that St. Alphonsus never changed his opinion concerning the moral system, but always adhered to equiprobabilism”Noldin reports the older equiprobabilists' reading (Haringer, the Vindiciae): he always held equiprobabilism, at first implicitly | Noldin, Summa I, n. 250 |
Where Our Authors Discuss Him
Each read in its full passage; the words quoted are the author's own. Where several authors say the same thing, one is quoted and the others follow “in nearly the same words”; point at a name to see his words.
| “undertook to write moral theology, that he might accurately and solidly defend the truly Catholic doctrine of morals, holding the middle between excessive severity and excessive benignity”Pius IX: he held the middle between excessive severity and excessive benignity | Marc, Institutiones I, n. 6In nearly the same words: Wouters, Manuale I, introduction, history |
| “by the authority of St. Alphonsus it was brought about that excessive severity and excessive benignity were excluded from Catholic schools”By him the rigor of the Jansenists and of probabiliorism was driven from the Catholic schools | Vermeersch, Theologia moralis I, n. 21In nearly the same words: Noldin, Summa I, n. 238; Slater, Short History, ¶ 90 |
| “The sufficiency of attrition in the sacrament of penance was disputed, whether absolution was to be given or deferred; but especially the epoch is full of disputations on probabilism: which cause, well defended by not a few, knew friends who by their laxism harmed it. Not a few laxer or "ill-sounding" propositions were reproved. Thence those who followed the stricter side gained strength, although these also were more than once condemned by the Holy See , when divine Providence provided for the Church the great moral Doctor, St. Alphonsus de Liguori (1696-1787), who, not without the opposition and envy of many, vindicated its rights and place for the solidly probable opinion.”He vindicated the use of the solidly probable opinion | Vermeersch, Theologia moralis I, n. 20In nearly the same words: Sabetti-Barrett, Compendium, n. 62 |
| “The abuses incident to the one-sidedly casuistical treatment of Moral Theology were combatted by Prosper Lambertini, later Pope Benedict XIV”He combated the abuses of a one-sidedly casuistical moral theology | Koch-Preuss, Handbook I, history of moral theologyIn nearly the same words: Koch-Preuss, Handbook I, history of moral theology |
| “The judgment that a certain course of action is lawful because St. Alphonsus permits it, is ordinarily solidly probable”The weight of his authority: an opinion he allows may be followed in practice | McHugh-Callan, Moral Theology I, n. 705In nearly the same words: Sabetti-Barrett, Compendium, n. 71; Slater, Manual, the probable conscience, n. 6; Konings, Compendium, n. 57 |
| “the latter excels before the rest in prudence and sagacity in the application of principles”He set reason before authority | Tanquerey, Synopsis, Preface (1902)In nearly the same words: Tanquerey, Fundamental Moral Theology, n. 411; Tanquerey, Fundamental Moral Theology, n. 414; Bucceroni, Institutiones, n. 123 |
| “"There can be no doubt," says St. Alphonsus, "that the Tutiorists in their excessive rigorism do much damage; but on the other hand the Probabilists, who follow an opinion which they recognize as less probable (but which I no longer regard as probable because the law in its moral sense is sufficiently promulgated), are also to blame for the loss of many souls."”Koch-Preuss quote him against the tutiorists and against the probabilists who follow an opinion they know to be less probable | Koch-Preuss, Handbook I, the moral systems |
| “c. because only by this way could he avoid the prohibition of his books and the suppression of the congregation founded by him, which was to be feared on the part of the government”Noldin on the reasons for the change of 1762 | Noldin, Summa I, n. 250 |
| “I reject the opinion that it is licit to follow a known less probable opinion, as Busembaum, Lacroix, and almost all the Jesuits say, who admit the less probable opinion”Prümmer quotes his letter to Remondini of 1768 | Prümmer, Manuale I, n. 347 |
| “This alone cast fear into me, namely that I followed the probable opinion; but the obedience which had to be given to the director required that”Prümmer gives Melchionna's account of his fear in the illness of 1756 that he had followed the probable opinion | Prümmer, Manuale I, n. 347 |
| “I am not a rigorist, nor a probabilist”Marc quotes his letter of 1777 | Marc, Institutiones I, n. 101 |
| “When I know that the stricter opinion is more probable, I say that it must be followed; and in this I am opposed to the system of the Jesuits”Marc quotes his letter to Blasucci (1768) | Marc, Institutiones I, n. 101 |
| “The authors of the past century held this opinion (of absolute probabilism) almost commonly, but we say that it is lax, and cannot be lawfully embraced”Marc quotes his judgment of absolute probabilism | Marc, Institutiones I, n. 102 |
| “But Probabiliorism is such a complicated system that it is unsuited to everyday life. St. Alphonsus declares that he found by the experience of many years that this system cannot be profitably used in the guidance of souls, for it imposes an intolerable burden on both confessors and penitents.”McHugh-Callan report his judgment of probabiliorism from experience | McHugh-Callan, Moral Theology I, n. 685 |
| “The long list of authors who have taught probabilism which St. Alphonsus gives in his Dissertation published in 1755”Slater: his list of probabilist authors in the Dissertation of 1755 draws on every school | Slater, Cases of Conscience I, Conscience, case 2 |
| “Now from these things it is openly clear that S. D. by an opinion certainly more probable really understands an opinion morally certain” | Bucceroni, Institutiones, n. 133 |
| “Behold therefore how from the Holy Doctor a sentence not improbable, but sufficiently probable intrinsically, is opposed to a notably more probable sentence”Bucceroni shows from his own resolutions that a notably more probable opinion did not, for him, make the opposite improbable | Bucceroni, Commentarii, n. 104 |
| “they were and are masters in moral theology”Bucceroni: by his own letters he took his moral theology from the Jesuits | Bucceroni, Commentarii, n. 109 |
| “Moral theology is still what St. Alphonsus left it” | Slater, Short History, ¶ 92 |
| “St. Alphonsus de Liguori, who had been instructed in probabiliorism, when he had learned by experience that that system could not be applied in practice, first (in the year 1755) taught moderate probabilism”Merkelbach on St. Alphonsus's course: instructed in probabiliorism, he taught moderate probabilism in 1755 and perfected his system in 1762 with equality of probabilities and the principle of possession | Merkelbach, Summa II, excursus on the moral systems |
| “Liguori's famous Moral Theology first appeared at Naples, 1748”Koch-Preuss on the editions of his Moral Theology and the Homo apostolicus | Koch-Preuss, Handbook I, history of moral theology |
| “The mind of the Holy Doctor is set forth even more clearly by these words”Konings on what St. Alphonsus means by a “just cause” for dispensing a ratified marriage | Konings, Compendium, Apologetic Preface (4th ed.) |
| “The rule of Equi-probabilism handed down by St. Alphonsus excels all others”Konings: his rule excels all others in rectitude, prudence, facility and authority | Konings, Compendium, n. 96 |
In the Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)
“St. Alphonsus Liguori”, vol. 1, by Harold Castle. Public domain; transcription from Wikisource.
Alphonsus Liguori, Saint, b. at Marianella, near Naples, 27 September, 1696; d. at Nocera de' Pagani, 1 August, 1787. The eighteenth century was not an age remarkable for depth of spiritual life, yet it produced three of the greatest missionaries of the Church, St. Leonard of Port Maurice, St. Paul of the Cross, and St. Alphonsus Liguori. Alphonsus Mary Antony John Cosmas Damian Michael Gaspard de' Liguori was born in his father's country house at Marianella near Naples, on Tuesday, 27 September, 1696. He was baptized two days later in the church of Our Lady of the Virgins, in Naples. The family was an old and noble one, though the branch to which the Saint belonged had become somewhat impoverished. Alphonsus's father, Don Joseph de' Liguori was a naval officer and Captain of the Royal Galleys. The Saint's mother was of Spanish descent, and if, as there can be little doubt, race is an element in individual character, we may see in Alphonsus's Spanish blood some explanation of the enormous tenacity of purpose which distinguished him from his earliest years. "I know his obstinacy", his father said of him as a young man; "when he once makes up his mind he is inflexible". Not many details have come down to us of Alphonsus's childhood. He was the eldest of seven children and the hope of his house. The boy was bright and quick beyond his years, and made great progress in all kinds of learning. In addition his father made him practice the harpsichord for three hours a day, and at the age of thirteen he played with the perfection of a master. Riding and fencing were his recreations, and an evening game of cards; he tells us that he was debarred from being a good shot by his bad sight. In early manhood he became very fond of the opera, but only that he might listen to the music, for when the curtain went up he took his glasses off, so as not to see the players distinctly. The Neapolitan stage at this time was in a good state, but the Saint had from his earliest years an ascetic repugnance to theatres, a repugnance which he never lost. The childish fault for which he most reproached himself in after-life was resisting his father too strongly when he was told to take part in a drawing-room play. Alphonsus was not sent to school but was educated by tutors under his father's eye. At the age of sixteen, on 21 January, 1713, he took his degree as Doctor of Laws, although twenty was the age fixed by the statutes. He said himself that he was so small at the time as to be almost buried in his doctor's gown and that all the spectators laughed. Soon after this the boy began his studies for the Bar, and about the age of nineteen practised his profession in the courts. In the eight years of his career as advocate, years crowded with work, he is said never to have lost a case. Even if there be some exaggeration in this, for it is not in an advocate's power always to be on the winning side, the tradition shows that he was extraordinarily able and successful. In fact, despite his youth, he seems at the age of twenty-seven to have been one of the leaders of the Neapolitan Bar.
<span> Alphonsus, like so many saints, had an excellent father and a saintly mother. Don Joseph de' Liguori had his faults. He was somewhat worldly and ambitious, at any rate for his son, and was rough tempered when opposed. But he was a man of genuine faith and piety and stainless life, and he meant his son to be the same. Even when taking him into society in order to arrange a good marriage for him, he wished Alphonsus to put God first, and every year father and son would make a retreat together in some religious house. Alphonsus, assisted by divine grace, did not disappoint his father's care. St. Alphonsus Liguori A pure and modest boyhood passed into a manhood without reproach. A companion, Balthasar Cito, who afterwards became a distinguished judge, was asked in later years if Alphonsus had ever shown signs of levity in his youth. He answered emphatically: "Never! It would be a sacrilege to say otherwise." The Saint's confessor declared that he preserved his baptismal innocence till death. Still there was a time of danger. There can be little doubt but that the young Alphonsus with his high spirits and strong character was ardently attached to his profession, and on the way to be spoilt by the success and popularity which it brought. About the year 1722, when he was twenty-six years old, he began to go constantly into society, to neglect prayer and the practices of piety which had been an integral part of his life, and to take pleasure in the attention with which he was everywhere received. "Banquets, entertainments, theatres," he wrote later on—"these are the pleasures of the world, but pleasures which are filled with the bitterness of gall and sharp thorns. Believe me who have experienced it, and now weep over it." In all this there was no serious sin, but there was no high sanctity either, and God, who wished His servant to be a saint and a great saint, was now to make him take the road to Damascus. In 1723 there was a lawsuit in the courts between a Neapolitan nobleman, whose name has not come down to us, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany, in which property valued at 500,000 ducats, that to say, $500,000 or £100,000, was at stake. Alphonsus was one of the leading counsel; we do not know on which side. When the day came the future Saint made a brilliant opening speech and sat down confident of victory. But before he called a witness the opposing counsel said to him in chilling tones: "Your arguments are wasted breath. You have overlooked a document which destroys your whole case." "What document is that?" said Alphonsus somewhat piqued. "Let us have it." A piece of evidence was handed to him which he had read and re-read many times, but always in a sense the exact contrary of that which he now saw it to have. The poor advocate turned pale. He remained thunderstruck for a moment; then said in a broken voice: "You are right. I have been mistaken. This document gives you the case." In vain those around him and even the judge on the bench tried to console him. He was crushed to the earth. He thought his mistake would be ascribed not to oversight but to deliberate deceit. He felt as if his career was ruined, and left the court almost beside himself, saying: "World, I know you now. Courts, you shall never see me more." For three days he refused all food. Then the storm subsided, and he began to see that his humiliation had been sent him by God to break down his pride and wean him from the world. Confident that some special sacrifice was required of him, though he did not yet know what, he did not return to his profession, but spent his days in prayer, seeking to know God's will. After a short interval—we do not know exactly how long—the answer came. On 28 August, 1723, the young advocate had gone to perform a favourite act of charity by visiting the sick in the Hospital for Incurables. Suddenly he found himself surrounded by a mysterious light; the house seemed to rock, and an interior voice said: "Leave the world and give thyself to Me." This occurred twice. Alphonsus left the Hospital and went to the church of the Redemption of Captives. Here he laid his sword before the statue of Our Lady, and made a solemn resolution to enter the ecclesiastical state, and furthermore to offer himself as a novice to the Fathers of the Oratory. He knew that trials were before him. His father, already displeased at the failure of two plans for his son's marriage, and exasperated at Alphonsus's present neglect of his profession, was likely to offer a strenuous opposition to his leaving the world. So indeed it proved. He had to endure a real persecution for two months. In the end a compromise was arrived at. Don Joseph agreed to allow his son to become a priest, provided he would give up his proposal joining the Oratory, and would continue to live at home. To this Alphonsus by the advice of his director, Father Thomas Pagano, himself an Oratorian, agreed. Thus was he left free for his real work, the founding of a new religious congregation. On 23 October of the same year, 1723, the Saint put on the clerical dress. In September of the next year he received the tonsure and soon after joined the association of missionary secular priests called the "Neapolitan Propaganda", membership of which did not entail residence in common. In December, 1724, he received minor orders, and the subdiaconate in September, 1725. On 6 April, 1726, he was ordained deacon, and soon after preached his first sermon. On 21 December of the same year, at the age of thirty, he was ordained priest. For six years he laboured in and around Naples, giving missions for the Propaganda and preaching to the lazzaroni of the capital. With the aid of two laymen, Peter Barbarese, a schoolmaster, and Nardone, an old soldier, both of whom he converted from an evil life, he enrolled thousands of lazzaroni in a sort of confraternity called the "Association of the Chapels", which exists to this day. Then God called him to his life work.
In April 1729, the Apostle of China, Matthew Ripa, founded a missionary college in Naples, which became known colloquially as the "Chinese College". A few months later Alphonsus left his father's house and went to live with Ripa, without, however, becoming a member of his society. In his new abode he met a friend of his host's, Father Thomas Falcoia, of the Congregation of the "Pii Operarii" (Pious Workers), and formed with him the great friendship of his life. There was a considerable difference in age between the two men, for Falcoia, born in 1663, was now sixty-six, and Alphonsus only thirty-three, but the old priest and the young had kindred souls. Many years before, in Rome, Falcoia had been shown a vision of a new religious family of men and women whose particular aim should be the perfect imitation of the virtues of Our Lord. He had even tried to form a branch of the Institute by uniting twelve priests in a common life at Tarentum, but the community soon broke up. In 1719, together with a Father Filangieri, also one of the "Pii Operarii", he had refounded a Conservatorium of religious women at Scala on the mountains behind Amalfi. But as he drew up a rule for them, formed from that of the Visitation nuns, he does not seem to have had any clear idea of establishing the new institute of his vision. God, however, intended the new institute to begin with these nuns of Scala. In 1724, soon after Alphonsus left the world, a postulant, Julia Crostarosa, born in Naples on 31 October, 1696, and hence almost the same age as the Saint, entered the convent of Scala. She became known in religion as Sister Maria Celeste. In 1725, while still a novice, she had a series of visions in which she saw a new order (apparently of nuns only) similar to that revealed to Falcoia many years before. Even its Rule was made known to her. She was told to write it down and show it to the director of the convent, that is to Falcoia himself. While affecting to treat the novice with severity and to take no notice of her visions, the director was surprised to find that the Rule which she had written down was a realization of what had been so long in his mind. He submitted the new Rule to a number of theologians, who approved of it, and said it might be adopted in the convent of Scala, provided the community would accept it. But when the question was put to the community, opposition began. Most were in favour of accepting, but the superior objected and appealed to Filangieri, Falcoia's colleague in establishing the convent, and now, as General of the "Pii Operarii", his superior. Filangieri forbade any change of rule and removed Falcoia from all communication with the convent. Matters remained thus for some years. About 1729, however, Filangieri died, and on 8 October, 1730, Falcoia was consecrated Bishop of Castellamare. He was now free, subject to the approval of the Bishop of Scala, to act with regard to the convent as he thought best. It happened that Alphonsus, ill and overworked, had gone with some companions to Scala in the early summer of 1730. Unable to be idle, he had preached to the goatherds of the mountains with such success that Nicolas Guerriero, Bishop of Scala, begged him to return and give a retreat in his cathedral. Falcoia, hearing of this, begged his friend to give a retreat to the nuns of his Conservatorium at the same time. Alphonsus agreed to both requests and set out with his two friends, John Mazzini and Vincent Mannarini, in September, 1730. The result of the retreat to the nuns was that the young priest, who before had been prejudiced by reports in Naples against the proposed new Rule, became its firm supporter, and even obtained permission from the Bishop of Scala for the change. In 1731, the convent unanimously adopted the new Rule, together with a habit of red and blue, the traditional colours of Our Lord's own dress. One branch of the new Institute seen by Falcoia in vision was thus established. The other was not to be long delayed. No doubt Thomas Falcoia had for some time hoped that the ardent young priest, who was so devoted to him, might, under his direction, be the founder of the new Order he had at heart. A fresh vision of Sister Maria Celeste seemed to show that such was the will of God. On 3 October, 1731, the eve of the feast of St. Francis, she saw Our Lord with St. Francis on His right hand and a priest on His left. A voice said "This is he whom I have chosen to be head of My Institute, the Prefect General of a new Congregation of men who shall work for My glory." The priest was Alphonsus. Soon after, Falcoia made known to the latter his vocation to leave Naples and establish an order of missionaries at Scala, who should work above all for the neglected goatherds of the mountains. A year of trouble and anxiety followed. The Superior of the Propaganda and even Falcoia's friend, Matthew Ripa, opposed the project with all their might. But Alphonsus's director, Father Pagano; Father Fiorillo, a great Dominican preacher; Father Manulio, Provincial of the Jesuits; and Vincent Cutica, Superior of the Vincentians, supported the young priest, and, 9 November, 1732, the "Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer", or as it was called for seventeen years, "of the Most Holy Saviour", was begun in a little hospice belonging to the nuns of Scala. Though St. Alphonsus was founder and de facto head of the Institute, its general direction in the beginning, as well as the direction of Alphonsus's conscience, was undertaken by the Bishop of Castellamare and it was not till the latter's death, 20 April, 1743, that a general chapter was held and the Saint was formally elected Superior-General. In fact, in the beginning, the young priest in his humility would not be Superior even of the house, judging one of his companions, John Baptist Donato, better fitted for the post because he had already had some experience of community life in another institute.
The early years, following the founding of the new order, were not promising. Dissensions arose, the Saint's former friend and chief companion, Vincent Mannarini, opposing him and Falcoia in everything. On 1 April, 1733, all the companions of Alphonsus except one lay brother, Vitus Curtius, abandoned him, and founded the Congregation of the Blessed Sacrament, which, confined to the Kingdom of Naples, was extinguished in 1860 by the Italian Revolution. The dissensions even spread to the nuns, and Sister Maria Celeste herself left Scala and founded a convent at Foggia, where she died in the odour of sanctity, 14 September, 1755. She was declared Venerable 11 August, 1901. Alphonsus, however, stood firm; soon other companions arrived, and though Scala itself was given up by the Fathers in 1738, by 1746 the new Congregation had four houses at Nocera de' Pagani, Ciorani, Iliceto (now Deliceto), and Caposele, all in the Kingdom of Naples. In 1749, the Rule and Institute of men were approved by Pope Benedict XIV, and in 1750, the Rule and Institute of the nuns. Alphonsus was lawyer, founder, religious superior, bishop, theologian, and mystic, but he was above all a missionary, and no true biography of the Saint will neglect to give this due prominence. From 1726 to 1752, first as a member of the Neapolitan "Propaganda", and then as a leader of his own Fathers, he traversed the provinces of Naples for the greater part of each year giving missions even in the smallest villages and saving many souls. A special feature of his method was the return of the missionaries, after an interval of some months, to the scene of their labours to consolidate their work by what was called the "renewal of a mission." After 1752 Alphonsus gave fewer missions. His infirmities were increasing, and he was occupied a good deal with his writings. His promotion to the episcopate in 1762 led to a renewal of his missionary activity, but in a slightly different form. The Saint had four houses, but during his lifetime it not only became impossible in the Kingdom of Naples to get any more, but even the barest toleration for those he had could scarcely be obtained. The cause of this was "regalism", the omnipotence of kings even in matters spiritual, which was the system of government in Naples as in all the Bourbon States. The immediate author of what was practically a lifelong persecution of the Saint was the Marquis Tanucci, who entered Naples in 1734. Naples had been part of the dominions of Spain since 1503, but in 1708 when Alphonsus was twelve years old, it was conquered by Austria during the war of the Spanish Succession. In 1734, however, it was reconquered by Don Carlos, the young Duke of Parma, great-grandson of Louis XIV, and the independent Bourbon Kingdom of the Two Sicilies was established. With Don Carlos, or as he is generally called, Charles III, from his later title as King of Spain, came the lawyer, Bernard Tanucci, who governed Naples as Prime Minister and regent for the next forty-two years. This was to be a momentous revolution for Alphonsus. Had it happened a few years later, the new Government might have found the Redemptorist Congregation already authorized, and as Tanucci's anti-clerical policy rather showed itself in forbidding new Orders than, with the exception of the Society of Jesus, in suppressing old ones, the Saint might have been free to develop his work in comparative peace. As it was, he was refused the royal exequatur to the Brief of Benedict XIV, and State recognition of his Institute as a religious congregation till the day of his death. There were whole years, indeed, in which the Institute seemed on the verge of summary suppression. The suffering which this brought on Alphonsus, with his sensitive and high-strung disposition, was very great, besides what was worse, the relaxation of discipline and loss of vocations which it caused in the Order itself. Alphonsus, however, was unflagging in his efforts with the Court. It may be he was even too anxious, and on one occasion when he was over-whelmed by a fresh refusal, his friend the Marquis Brancone, Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs and a man of deep piety, said to him gently: "It would seem as if you placed all your trust here below"; on which the Saint recovered his peace of mind. A final attempt to gain the royal approval, which seemed as if at last it had been successful, led to the crowning sorrow of Alphonsus's life: the division and apparent ruin of his Congregation and the displeasure of the Holy See. This was in 1780, when Alphonsus was eighty-three years old. But, before relating the episode of the "Regolamento", as it is called, we must speak of the period of the Saint's episcopate which intervened.
In the year 1747, King Charles of Naples wished to make Alphonsus Archbishop of Palermo, and it was only by the most earnest entreaties that he was able to escape. In 1762, there was no escape and he was constrained by formal obedience to the Pope to accept the Bishopric of St. Agatha of the Goths, a very small Neapolitan diocese lying a few miles off the road from Naples to Capua. Here with 30,000 uninstructed people, 400 mostly indifferent and sometimes scandalous secular clergy, and seventeen more or less relaxed religious houses to look after, in a field so overgrown with weeds that they seemed the only crop, he wept and prayed and spent days and nights in unremitting labour for thirteen years. More than once he faced assassination unmoved. In a riot which took place during the terrible famine that fell upon Southern Italy in 1764, he saved the life of the syndic of St. Agatha by offering his own to the mob. He fed the poor, instructed the ignorant, reorganized his seminary, reformed his convents, created a new spirit in his clergy, banished scandalous noblemen and women of evil life with equal impartiality, brought the study of theology and especially of moral theology into honour, and all the time was begging pope after pope to let him resign his office because he was doing nothing for his diocese. To all his administrative work we must add his continual literary labours, his many hours of daily prayer, his terrible austerities, and a stress of illness which made his life a martyrdom. Eight times during his long life, without counting his last sickness, the Saint received the sacraments of the dying, but the worst of all his illnesses was a terrible attack of rheumatic fever during his episcopate, an attack which lasted from May, 1768, to June, 1769, and left him paralyzed to the end of his days. It was this which gave St. Alphonsus the bent head which we notice in the portraits of him. So bent was it in the beginning, that the pressure of his chin produced a dangerous wound in the chest. Although the doctors succeeded in straightening the neck a little, the Saint for the rest of his life had to drink at meals through a tube. He could never have said Mass again had not an Augustinian prior shown him how to support himself on a chair so that with the assistance of an acolyte he could raise the chalice to his lips. But in spite of his infirmities both Clement XIII (1758–69) and Clement XIV (1769–74) obliged Alphonsus to remain at his post. In February, 1775, however, Pius VI was elected Pope, and the following May he permitted the Saint to resign his see.
Alphonsus returned to his little cell at Nocera in July, 1775, to prepare, as he thought, for a speedy and happy death. Twelve years, however, still separated him from his reward, years for the most part not of peace but of greater afflictions than any which had yet befallen him. By 1777, the Saint, in addition to four houses in Naples and one in Sicily, had four others at Scifelli, Frosinone, St. Angelo a Cupolo, and Beneventum, in the States of the Church. In case things became hopeless in Naples, he looked to these houses to maintain the Rule and Institute. In 1780, a crisis arose in which they did this, yet in such a way as to bring division in the Congregation and extreme suffering and disgrace upon its founder. The crisis arose in this way. From the year 1759 two former benefactors of the Congregation, Baron Sarnelli and Francis Maffei, by one of those changes not uncommon in Naples, had become its bitter enemies, and waged a vendetta against it in the law courts which lasted for twenty-four years. Sarnelli was almost openly supported by the all-powerful Tanucci, and the suppression of the Congregation at last seemed a matter of days, when on 26 October, 1776, Tanucci, who had offended Queen Maria Carolina, suddenly fell from power. Under the government of the Marquis della Sambuca, who, though a great regalist, was a personal friend of the Saint's, there was promise of better times, and in August, 1779, Alphonsus's hopes were raised by the publication of a royal decree allowing him to appoint superiors in his Congregation and to have a novitiate and house of studies. The Government throughout had recognized the good effect of his missions, but it wished the missionaries to be secular priests and not a religious order. The Decree of 1779, however, seemed a great step in advance. Alphonsus, having got so much, hoped to get a little more, and through his friend, Mgr. Testa, the Grand Almoner, even to have his Rule approved. He did not, as in the past, ask for an exequatur to the Brief of Benedict XIV, for relations at the time were more strained than ever between the Courts of Rome and Naples; but he hoped the king might give an independent sanction to his Rule, provided he waived all legal right to hold property in common, which he was quite prepared to do. It was all-important to the Fathers to be able to rebut the charge of being an illegal religious congregation, which was one of the chief allegations in the ever-adjourned and ever-impending action by Baron Sarnelli. Perhaps in any case the submission of their Rule to a suspicious and even hostile civil power was a mistake. At all events, it proved disastrous in the result. Alphonsus being so old and so inform—he was eighty-five, crippled, deaf, and nearly blind—his one chance of success was to be faithfully served by friends and subordinates, and he was betrayed at every turn. His friend the Grand Almoner betrayed him; his two envoys for negotiating with the Grand Almoner, Fathers Majone and Cimino, betrayed him, consultors general though they were. His very confessor and vicar general in the government of his Order, Father Andrew Villani, joined in the conspiracy. In the end the Rule was so altered as to be hardly recognizable, the very vows of religion being abolished. To this altered Rule or "Regolamento", as it came to be called, the unsuspecting Saint was induced to put his signature. It was approved by the king and forced upon the stupefied Congregation by the whole power of the State. a fearful commotion arose. Alphonsus himself was not spared. Vague rumours of impending treachery had got about and had been made known to him, but he had refused to believe them. "You have founded the Congregation and you have destroyed it", said one Father to him. The Saint only wept in silence and tried in vain to devise some means by which his Order might be saved. His best plan would have been to consult the Holy See, but in this he had been forestalled. The Fathers in the Papal States, with too precipitate zeal, in the very beginning denounced the change of Rule to Rome. Pius VI, already deeply displeased with the Neapolitan Government, took the fathers in his own dominions under his special protection, forbade all change of rule in their houses, and even withdrew them from obedience to the Neapolitan superiors, that is to St. Alphonsus, till an inquiry could be held. A long process followed in the Court of Rome, and on 22 September, 1780, a provisional Decree, which on 24 August, 1781, was made absolute, recognized the houses in the Papal States as alone constituting the Redemptorist Congregation. Father Francis de Paula, one of the chief appellants, was appointed their Superior General, "in place of those", so the brief ran, "who being higher superiors of the said Congregation have with their followers adopted a new system essentially different from the old, and have deserted the Institute in which they were professed, and have thereby ceased to be members of the Congregation." So the Saint was cut off from his own Order by the Pope who was to declare him "Venerable". In this state of exclusion he lived for seven years more and in it he died. It was only after his death, as he had prophesied, that the Neapolitan Government at last recognized the original Rule, and that the Redemptorist Congregation was reunited under one head (1793).
Alphonsus had still one final storm to meet, and then the end. About three years before his death he went through a veritable "Night of the Soul". Fearful temptations against every virtue crowded upon him, together with diabolical apparitions and illusions, and terrible scruples and impulses to despair which made life a hell. At last came peace, and on 1 August, 1787, as the midday Angelus was ringing, the Saint passed peacefully to his reward. He had nearly completed his ninety-first year. He was declared "Venerable", 4 May, 1796; was beatified in 1816, and canonized in 1839. In 1871, he was declared a Doctor of the Church. "Alphonsus was of middle height", says his first biographer, Tannoia; "his head was rather large, his hair black, and beard well-grown." He had a pleasant smile, and his conversation was very agreeable, yet he had great dignity of manner. He was a born leader of men. His devotion to the Blessed Sacrament and to Our Lady was extraordinary. He had a tender charity towards all who were in trouble; he would go to any length to try to save a vocation; he would expose himself to death to prevent sin. He had a love for the lower animals, and wild creatures who fled from all else would come to him as to a friend. Psychologically, Alphonsus may be classed among twice-born souls; that is to say, there was a definitely marked break or conversion, in his life, in which he turned, not from serious sin, for that he never committed, but from comparative worldliness, to thorough self-sacrifice for God. Alphonsus's temperament was very ardent. He was a man of strong passions, using the term in the philosophic sense, and tremendous energy, but from childhood his passions were under control. Yet, to take anger alone, though comparatively early in life he seemed dead to insult or injury which affected himself, in cases of cruelty, or of injustice to others, or of dishonour to God, he showed a prophet's indignation even in old age. Ultimately, however, anything merely human in this had disappeared. At the worst, it was only the scaffolding by which the temple of perfection was raised. Indeed, apart from those who become saints by the altogether special grace of martyrdom, it may be doubted if many men and women of phlegmatic temperament have been canonized. The differentia of saints is not faultlessness but driving-power, a driving-power exerted in generous self-sacrifice and ardent love of God. The impulse to this passionate service of God comes from Divine grace, but the soul must correspond (which is also a grace of God), and the soul of strong will and strong passions corresponds best. The difficulty about strong wills and strong passions is that they are hard to tame, but when they are tamed they are the raw material of sanctity.
Not less remarkable than the intensity with which Alphonsus worked is the amount of work he did. His perseverance was indomitable. He both made and kept a vow not to lose a single moment of time. He was helped in this by his turn of mind which was extremely practical. Though a good dogmatic theologian—a fact which has not been sufficiently recognized—he was not a metaphysician like the great scholastics. He was a lawyer, not only during his years at the Bar, but throughout his whole life—a lawyer, who to skilled advocacy and an enormous knowledge of practical detail added a wide and luminous hold of underlying principles. It was this which made him the prince of moral theologians, and gained him, when canonization made it possible, the title of "Doctor of the Church". This combination of practical common sense with extraordinary energy in administrative work ought to make Alphonsus, if he were better known, particularly attractive to the English-speaking nations, especially as he is so modern a saint. But we must not push resemblances too far. If in some things Alphonsus was an Anglo-Saxon, in others he was a Neapolitan of the Neapolitans, though always a saint. He often writes as a Neapolitan to Neapolitans. Were the vehement things in his letters and writings, especially in the matter of rebuke or complaint, to be appraised as if uttered by an Anglo-Saxon in cold blood, we might be surprised and even shocked. Neapolitan students, in an animated but amicable discussion, seem to foreign eyes to be taking part in a violent quarrel. St. Alphonsus appeared a miracle of calm to Tannoia. Could he have been what an Anglo-Saxon would consider a miracle of calm, he would have seemed to his companions absolutely inhuman. The saints are not inhuman but real men of flesh and blood, however much some hagiographers may ignore the fact. While the continual intensity of reiterated acts of virtue which we have called driving-power is what really creates sanctity, there is another indispensable quality. The extreme difficulty of the lifelong work of fashioning a saint consists precisely in this, that every act of virtue the saint performs goes to strengthen his character, that is, his will. On the other hand, ever since the Fall of Man, the will of man has been his greatest danger. It has a tendency at every moment to deflect, and if it does deflect from the right path, the greater the momentum the more terrible the final crash. Now the saint has a very great momentum indeed, and a spoiled saint is often a great villain. To prevent the ship going to pieces on the rocks, it has need of a very responsive rudder, answering to the slightest pressure of Divine guidance. The rudder is humility, which, in the intellect, is a realization of our own unworthiness, and in the will, docility to right guidance. But how was Alphonsus to grow in this so necessary virtue when he was in authority nearly all his life? The answer is that God kept him humble by interior trials. From his earliest years he had an anxious fear about committing sin which passed at times into scruple. He who ruled and directed others so wisely, had, where his own soul was concerned, to depend on obedience like a little child. To supplement this, God allowed him in the last years of his life to fall into disgrace with the pope, and to find himself deprived of all external authority, trembling at times even for his eternal salvation. St. Alphonsus does not offer as much directly to the student of mystical theology as do some contemplative saints who have led more retired lives. Unfortunately, he was not obliged by his confessor, in virtue of holy obedience, as St. Teresa was, to write down his states of prayer; so we do not know precisely what they were. The prayer he recommended to his Congregation, of which we have beautiful examples in his ascetical works, is affective; the use of short aspirations, petitions, and acts of love, rather than discursive meditation with long reflection. His own prayer was perhaps for the most part what some call "active", others "ordinary", contemplation. Of extraordinary passive states, such as rapture, there are not many instances recorded in his life, though there are some. At three different times in his missions, while preaching, a ray of light from a picture of Our Lady darted towards him, and he fell into an ecstasy before the people. In old age he was more than once raised in the air when speaking of God. His intercession healed the sick; he read the secrets of hearts, and foretold the future. He fell into a clairvoyant trance at Arienzo on 21 September, 1774, and was present in spirit at the death-bed in Rome of Pope Clement XIV.
It was comparatively late in life that Alphonsus became a writer. If we except a few poems published in 1733 (the Saint was born in 1696), his first work, a tiny volume called "Visits to the Blessed Sacrament", only appeared in 1744 or 1745, when he was nearly fifty years old. Three years later he published the first sketch of his "Moral Theology" in a single quarto volume called "Annotations to Busembaum", a celebrated Jesuit moral theologian. He spent the next few years in recasting this work, and in 1753 appeared the first volume of the "Theologia Moralis", the second volume, dedicated to Benedict XIV, following in 1755. Nine editions of the "Moral Theology" appeared in the Saint's life-time, those of 1748, 1753–1755, 1757, 1760, 1763, 1767, 1773, 1779, and 1785, the "Annotations to Busembaum" counting as the first. In the second edition the work received the definite form it has since retained, though in later issues the Saint retracted a number of opinions, corrected minor ones, and worked at the statement of his theory of Equiprobabilism till at last he considered it complete. In addition, he published many editions of compendiums of his larger work, such as the "Homo Apostolicus", made in 1759. The "Moral Theology", after a historical introduction by the Saint's friend, P. Zaccaria, S.J., which was omitted, however, from the eighth and ninth editions, begins with a treatise "De Conscientia", followed by one "De Legibus". These form the first book of the work, while the second contains the treatises on Faith, Hope, and Charity. The third book deals with the Ten Commandments, the fourth with the monastic and clerical states, and the duties of judges, advocates, doctors, merchants, and others. The fifth book has two treatises "De Actibus Humanis" and "De Peccatis"; the sixth is on the sacraments, the seventh and last on the censures of the Church.
St. Alphonsus as a moral theologian occupies the golden mean between the schools tending either to laxity or to rigour which divided the theological world of his time. When he was preparing for the priesthood in Naples, his masters were of the rigid school, for though the center of Jansenistic disturbance was in northern Europe, no shore was so remote as not to feel the ripple of its waves. When the Saint began to hear confessions, however, he soon saw the harm done by rigorism, and for the rest of his life he inclined more to the mild school of the Jesuit theologians, whom he calls "the masters of morals". St. Alphonsus, however, did not in all things follow their teaching, especially on one point much debated in the schools; namely, whether we may in practice follow an opinion which denies a moral obligation, when the opinion which affirms a moral obligation seems to us to be altogether more probable. This is the great question of "Probabilism". St. Alphonsus, after publishing anonymously (in 1749 and 1755) two treatises advocating the right to follow the less probable opinion, in the end decided against that lawfulness, and in case of doubt only allowed freedom from obligation where the opinions for and against the law were equal or nearly equal. He called his system Equiprobabilism. It is true that theologians even of the broadest school are agreed that, when an opinion in favour of the law is so much more probable as to amount practically to moral certainty, the less probable opinion cannot be followed, and some have supposed that St. Alphonsus meant no more than this by his terminology. According to this view he chose a different formula from the Jesuit writers, partly because he thought his own terms more exact, and, partly to save his teaching and his congregation as far as possible from the State persecution which after 1764 had already fallen so heavily on the Society of Jesus, and in 1773 was formally to suppress it. It is a matter for friendly controversy, but it seems there was a real difference, though not as great in practice as is supposed, between the Saint's later teaching and that current in the Society. Alphonsus was a lawyer, and as a lawyer he attached much importance to the weight of evidence. In a civil action a serious preponderance of evidence gives one side the case. If civil courts could not decide against a defendant on greater probability, but had to wait, as a criminal court must wait, for moral certainty, many actions would never be decided at all. St. Alphonsus likened the conflict between law and liberty to a civil action in which the law has the onus probandi, although greater probabilities give it a verdict. Pure probabilism likens it to a criminal trial, in which the jury must find in favour of liberty (the prisoner at the bar) if any single reasonable doubt whatever remain in its favour. Furthermore, St. Alphonsus was a great theologian, and so attached much weight to intrinsic probability. He was not afraid of making up his mind. "I follow my conscience", he wrote in 1764, "and when reason persuades me I make little account of moralists." To follow an opinion in favour of liberty without weighing it, merely because it is held by someone else, would have seemed to Alphonsus an abdication of the judicial office with which as a confessor he was invested. Still it must in fairness be admitted that all priests are not great theologians able to estimate intrinsic probability at its true worth, and the Church herself might be held to have conceded something to pure probabilism by the unprecedented honours she paid to the Saint in her Decree of 22 July, 1831, which allows confessors to follow any of St. Alphonsus's own opinions without weighing the reasons on which they were based.
Besides his Moral Theology, the Saint wrote a large number of dogmatic and ascetical works nearly all in the vernacular. The "Glories of Mary", "The Selva", "The True Spouse of Christ", "The Great Means of Prayer", "The Way of Salvation", "Opera Dogmatica, or History of the Council of Trent", and "Sermons for all the Sundays in the Year", are the best known. He was also a poet and musician. His hymns are justly celebrated in Italy. Quite recently, a duet composed by him, between the Soul and God, was found in the British Museum bearing the date 1760 and containing a correction in his own handwriting. Finally, St. Alphonsus was a wonderful letter-writer, and the mere salvage of his correspondence amounts to 1,451 letters, filling three large volumes. It is not necessary to notice certain non-Catholic attacks on Alphonsus as a patron of lying. St. Alphonsus was so scrupulous about truth that when, in 1776, the regalist, Mgr. Filingeri, was made Archbishop of Naples, the Saint would not write to congratulate the new primate, even at the risk of making another powerful enemy for his persecuted Congregation, because he thought he could not honestly say he "was glad to hear of the appointment." It will be remembered that even as a young man his chief distress at his breakdown in court was the fear that his mistake might be ascribed to deceit. The question as to what does or does not constitute a lie is not an easy one, but it is a subject in itself. Alphonsus said nothing in his "Moral Theology" which is not the common teaching of Catholic theologians.
Very few remarks upon his own times occur in the Saint's letters. The eighteenth century was one series of great wars; that of the Spanish, Polish, and Austrian Succession; the Seven Years' War, and the War of American Independence, ending with the still more gigantic struggles in Europe, which arose out of the events of 1789. Except in '45, in all of these, down to the first shot fired at Lexington, the English-speaking world was on one side and the Bourbon States, including Naples, on the other. But to all this secular history about the only reference in the Saint's correspondence which has come down to us is a sentence in a letter of April, 1744, which speaks of the passage of the Spanish troops who had come to defend Naples against the Austrians. He was more concerned with the spiritual conflict which was going on at the same time. The days were indeed evil. Infidelity and impiety were gaining ground; Voltaire and Rousseau were the idols of society; and the ancien régime, by undermining religion, its one support, was tottering to its fall. Alphonsus was a devoted friend of the Society of Jesus and its long persecution by the Bourbon Courts, ending in its suppression in 1773, filled him with grief. He died on the very eve of the great Revolution which was to sweep the persecutors away, having seen in vision the woes which the French invasion of 1798 was to bring on Naples.
An interesting series of portraits might be painted of those who play a part in the Saint's history: Charles III and his minister Tanucci; Charle's son Ferdinand, and Ferdinand's strange and unhappy Queen, Maria Carolina, daughter of Maria Teresa and sister of Marie Antoinette; Cardinals Spinelli, Sersale, and Orsini; Popes Benedict XIV, Clement XIII, Clement XIV, and Pius VI, to each of whom Alphonsus dedicated a volume of his works. Even the baleful shadow of Voltaire falls across the Saint's life, for Alphonsus wrote to congratulate him on a conversion, which alas, never took place! Again, we have a friendship of thirty years with the great Venetian publishing house of Remondini, whose letters from the Saint, carefully preserved as became business men, fill a quarto volume. Other personal friends of Alphonsus were the Jesuit Fathers de Matteis, Zaccaria, and Nonnotte. A respected opponent was the redoubtable Dominican controversialist, P. Vincenzo Patuzzi, while to make up for hard blows we have another Dominican, P. Caputo, President of Alphonsus's seminary and a devoted helper in his work of reform. To come to saints, the great Jesuit missionary St. Francis di Geronimo took the little Alphonsus in his arms, blessed him, and prophesied that he would do great work for God; while a Franciscan, St. John Joseph of the Cross, was well known to Alphonsus in later life. Both of them were canonized on the same day as the Holy Doctor, 26 May, 1839. St. Paul of the Cross (1694–1775) and St. Alphonsus, who were altogether contemporaries, seem never to have met on earth, though the founder of the Passionists was a great friend of Alphonsus's uncle, Mgr. Cavalieri, himself a great servant of God. Other saints and servants of God were those of Alphonsus's own household, the lay brother, St. Gerard Majella, who died in 1755, and Januarius Sarnelli, Cæsar Sportelli, Dominic Blasucci, and Maria Celeste, all of whom have been declared "Venerable" by the Church. Blessed Clement Hofbauer joined the Redemptorist congregation in the aged Saint's lifetime, though Alphonsus never saw in the flesh the man whom he knew would be the second founder of his Order. Except for the chances of European war, England and Naples were then in different worlds, but Alphonsus may have seen at the side of Don Carlos when he conquered Naples in 1734, an English boy of fourteen who had already shown great gallantry under fire and was to play a romantic part in history, Prince Charles Edward Stuart. But one may easily overcrowd a narrow canvas and it is better in so slight a sketch to leave the central figure in solitary relief. If any reader of this article will go to original sources and study the Saint's life at greater length, he will not find his labour thrown away.
Much of the material for a complete life of St. Alphonsus is still in manuscript in the Roman archives of the Redemptorist Congregation and in the archives of the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. The foundation of all subsequent lives is the Della vita ed istituto del venerabile Alfonso Maria Liguori, of Antony Tannoia, one of the great biographies of literature. Tannoia was born about 1724 and entered the Redemptorist Congregation in 1746. As he did not die till 1808 (his work appeared in 1799) he was a companion of the Saint for over forty years and an eye-witness of much that he relates. Even where he is not that, he may generally be trusted, as he was a Boswell in collecting facts. His life contains a number of minor inaccuracies, however, and is seriously defective in its account of the founding of his Congregation and of the troubles which fell on it in 1780. Tannoia, also, through some mental idiosyncrasy, manages to give the misleading impression that St. Alphonsus was severe. There is a somewhat unsatisfactory French translation of Tannoia's work. Mémoires sur la vie et la congrêgation de St. Alphonse de Liguori (Paris, 1842, 3 vols.). The English translation in the Oratory Series is also rather inadequate. A justly celebrated life is the Vie et Institut de Saint Alphonse-Marie de Liguori, in four volumes, by Cardinal Villecourt, (Tournai, 1893). The German life, Dilgskron, Leben des heiligen Bischofs und Kirchenlehrers, Alfonsus Maria de Liguori (New York, 1887), is scholarly and accurate. Cardinal Capecelatro has also written a life of the Saint, La Vita di Sant' Alfonso Maria de Liguori (Rome, 2 vols.). The latest life, Berthe, Saint Alphonse de Liguori (Paris, 1900, 2 vols., 8vo), gives an extremely full and picturesque account of the Saint's life and times. This has recently been translated into English with additions and corrections (Dublin, 2 vols., royal 8vo); Dumortier, Les premières Redemptoristines (Lille, 1886), and Le Père Antoine-Marie Tannoia (Paris, 1902), contain some useful information; as does Berruti, Lo Spirito di S. Alfonso Maria de Liguori, 3 ed. (Rome, 1896). The Saint's own letters are of extreme value in supplementing Tannoia. A centenary edition, Lettere di S. Alfonso Maria de'Liguori (Rome, 1887, 3 vols.), was published by P. Kuntz, C.SS.R., director of the Roman archives of his Congregation. An English translation in five volumes is included in the 22 volumes of the American centenary edition of St. Alphonsus's ascetical works (New York). There are many editions of the Saint's Moral Theology; the best and latest is that of P. Gaudé, C.SS.R. (Rome, 1905). The Saint's complete dogmatic works have been translated into Latin by P. Walter, C.SS.R., S. Alphonsi Mariæ de Liguori Ecclesiæ Doctoris Opera Dogmatica, (New York, 1903, 2 vols., 4to). See also Hassall, The Balance of Power (1715-89) (London, 1901); Colletta, History of the Kingdom of Naples, 1734-1825, 2 vols., tr. by S. Horner (Edinburgh, 1858); Von Reumont, Die Carafa von Maddaloni (Berlin, 1851, 2 vols.); Johnston, The Napoleonic Empire in South Italy, 2 vols. (London, 1904). Colletta's book gives the best general picture of the time, but is marred by anti-clerical bias.
Harold Castle.